2011年2月25日星期五

从禅悟到硅谷之三:有机联邦 和 佛 教 无 政 府主义


从禅悟到硅谷之三:有机联邦和佛 教 无 政 府主义

幻龙炎

 


Perhaps the high water mark of this symbolic effort to rusticate western civilization was the brief and turbulent episode in Berkeley remembered as "People's Park." What the Human Be-In in San Francisco of 1967 had been for one day, what the Woodstock Festival in upstate New York in early 1969 had been for a weekend, People's Park was meant to be for keeps. The event might be seen as the culmination of the direct action social philosophy proclaimed by the Haight-Ashbury Diggers. After issuing a series of broadsides in late 1966 that called for an urban anarchist order of life, the Diggers had begun a daily come-one, come-all free food project under the slogan "it's free because it's yours." The food was either stolen or scrounged from merchants around the city (most of it days-old and unsalable if still edible) and served up for the growing population of young, underfed street people. But history's first Diggers -- those of seventeenth century England -- had not been panhandlers; they had been would-be revolutionaries. Dispossessed farmers and artisans, they had occupied the land, proclaimed it the "common treasure" of the people, and begun tilling it. (Not much land, actually; there were only a few dozen Diggers. Nor did the occupation last long; only a few months before they were driven off, condemned as madmen rather than criminals.)

或许这场带有标志意义的、试图使西方文明“返璞归真”的运动的最高潮,是伯克利那个短命而又喧嚣的“人民公园(People's Park)”。旧金山1967年1月14日那天的全人类大游行(Human Be-In)持续了一天,在纽约州北部举行的伍德斯托克音乐节持续了一个周末,而人民公园则将永载史册。这一事件或许可被视为Haight-Ashbury“发掘者”(即兴演员兼社区活动组织)所倡导的“直接行动”的社会哲学的高潮。在1966年发布了一系列号召建立城市无政府主义生活秩序的大幅海报后,“发掘者”启动了一场以“食品免费,因为它原本便属于你”为口号的免费食品派发活动,每天一场,(他们派发的食品,或是自城内商户中偷盗而来,或是免费讨来,大多数是不甚新鲜的食品,虽然无法继续出售,但仍可食用。)主要向街头越来越多的、年轻的流浪人群派发。但历史上第一批“发掘者”──也就是17世纪活跃于英格兰的那一批──从来就不是乞讨者;他们是潜在的革命家。那些流离失所的农民和手工业者,宣布自己占据的土地为人民的“共有财产”,并且开始在其上耕作。(事实上他们并没有占据太多土地;“发掘者”的总人数也不过几十人而已。他们也没能占太久;仅仅几个月后他们便被驱逐,甚至连罪犯都没当成,而是被谴责为疯子。)
People's Park in Berkeley 1969 revived that original Digger ideal. A piece of the city's turf had been liberated by some shaggy squatters (and their dogs) from Governor Reagan and the University Regents. Promptly, the word went out for the tribes to pitch their tents, cultivate their gardens, warm their bones by the campfire, and create the Organic Commonwealth. In People's Park, the aboriginals -- their history dated back all of several days at most -- called themselves "sod brothers" and set about planting crops that never sprouted, and which few would have stayed put long enough to harvest. In any case, the Governor and the Regents quashed the experiment before it had the chance to fail, leaving it as another emblematic gesture along the way. The history of the period is mainly a collection of such emblems and symbols, evocative but ephemeral.

1969年伯克利的人民公园令原初的“发掘者”理想重生。一些披头散发的流浪汉(还有他们的狗)从当时还是加州州长的里根和Regents大学的手中解放了一块城里的草地。很快地,城里的“部族”们便接到了通知,前来安营扎寨,培育花园,生起篝火暖和身子骨,并且创立了所谓“有机联邦”。在人民公园,土著居民们──尽管他们的历史最多也就几天而已──自称为“草皮兄弟”,他们开始种植粮食,尽管那些作物从未发芽,也没有足够的时间生长至收获。州长和大学在这场实验尚未自行走向失败之前便将其剿灭,使其成为历史中又一个标志性的立场和姿态。这一时期的历史,基本上便是这种标志和符号的集合,富有煽动性,却又短命。
There were those, however, who took the stalking of the wild asparagus more seriously and put a deal of inventive thought and practical energy into the skills of postindustrial survival. There was, for example, the Portola Institute in Menlo Park, which dates from 1966. From it, along a number of routes, one can trace the origins of several ingenious projects in the Bay Area whose aim was to scale down, democratize, and humanize our hypertrophic technological society. These included the Briarpatch Network, the Farallones Institute, the Integral Urban House, the Simple Living Project.
然而,仍然有人严肃认真地看待着野芦笋的根茎(译注:参见Euell Gibbons所著的Stalking the wild asparagus一书),并且将富于创意的思想、和实干的努力付诸后工业化时代的生存技巧。比如,1966年建立的Menlo Park里的Portola Institute。自那起,沿着几条不同的路径,我们可以追溯到旧金山湾区的几个富于创新精神的项目的起源,他们的共同目标是缩约我们臃肿的技术化社会,将其民主化,人性化。这些项目包括了Briarpatch Network,Farallones Institute,Integral Urban House,和Simple Living Project。
On the national scene, the most visible of these efforts was The Whole Earth Catalog of 1968, a landmark publication of the period. The Catalog was an exuberant compendium of resourceful possibilities for laid back, but self-reliant living: wood-burning stoves, home remedies, mail-order moccasins, durable tools. I can recall a meeting I attended on the San Francisco peninsula where the first rather ratty looking edition of the Catalog (the print order was about 1000) was handed around the circle hot off the press. It was closely scrutinized with a mixture of wide-eyed wonder and honest glee. For, yes, here were the tools and skills of the alternative folk economy-to-come, tribal technology ready to be ordered and put to work. When the cities collapsed (as they were certain to do) and all the supply lines froze up (which might be any day now), these would be the means of cunning survival. Right there for all to see was a blueprint of the world's best tipi. There was even a book available for a modest price that showed how to deliver your own baby in a log cabin.

从全美范围来看,这些项目中最著名的当属1968年的《全地球目录》(The Whole Earth Catalog),这是那个时期具有标志意义的一份出版物。目录巨细靡遗地介绍了轻松愉快而又自给自足的生活方式的各种可能:柴火暖炉,家庭药方,邮购翻毛拖鞋,和经久耐用的工具。我还能记得,在旧金山半岛上参加的一次会议中,第一份看上去颇为山寨的目录(印数只有大约1000本)从印刷机上热乎乎地下线后,便在众人手中传开了。目录会被仔细的翻阅,目光里混杂着眼界大开的惊喜和发自内心的喜悦。因为,实实在在地,你能读到即将到来的、替代工业化的民本经济模式所需的工具和技巧,以及订购和使用都很容易的“部族”专属的技术应用。当城市崩溃时(很显然城市会崩溃)而所有的供应链都冻结时(如今这种可能性更大了),这些将成为你不择手段地力图生存下来的工具。就在书中,是一份印给所有人的、全世界最好的避难营的蓝图。甚至还有一本价钱便宜的书,教你如何在一个木头小屋里给婴儿接生。
How many who read the Catalog ever ordered its goods or used its advice? I suspect that, for many, it was more the banner of a cause than the real tool it was meant to be. But even if one discounts most of these gestures as impractical whimsy, they stand as a provocative assertion of justified discontent which reached out, however unsteadily, toward organic values that our industrial culture has left far behind. That assertion, so I believe, represented much that was best in America's abbreviated countercultural episode. Somewhere in that longing for an earthier texture of life, there lay the saving sensibility that might have disciplined our runaway industrialism and given it a human face. Certainly we have had no stronger an appetite for social and economic alternatives, no livelier a discussion of major issues facing our high industrial system than we experienced during this brief, superheated interval. What is a sane standard of production and consumption? What is the true wealth of nations? What is the meaning of work, of leisure, of community, of masculinity and femininity, of freedom and fulfillment? What is the relationship of economy to environment? How do we create an economics of permanence? What are the values of a planetary culture? I cannot recall the last time I heard a discussion of such great questions that was animated with the energies of possibility.
可究竟有多少读过目录的人曾经订过它的配套产品,或者是采纳了它的建议呢?我怀疑,对于很多人来说,这份目录更像是一个表明立场的标语横幅,而不是一个它原本意欲成为的实用工具。然而即便有人将这种姿态视为不实用的奇思怪想,《全地球目录》仍然挺立着,充满煽动意味地表达着他们对于工业文化将有机理念弃置于身后的不满,尽管他们的宣传仍不够坚实有力。而我也相信,他们的这种表达,正是短命的美国反文化现象的精髓所在。在他们追求更质朴的生活的过程中,包含着或许能够约束我们业已失控的工业主义的情感,这种情感也或许能够给工业化一个更为人性的面孔,同时给我们以救赎。当然了,我们不再如那个短暂而又热火朝天的时代那般,饥渴地追寻替代性的社会和经济体制,也不再那般激烈地讨论我们高度工业化的体制所面对的问题。生产和消费的合理标准究竟如何?一个国家真正的财富究竟是什么?工作的意义,休闲的意义,社区的意义,男性和女性的意义,自由和幸福的意义究竟是什么?经济发展同环境的关系究竟是什么?我们究竟如何发展一种永续的经济模式?究竟什么才是普适于整个星球的文化价值?我已经无法记起,人们最后一次带着探寻一切可能性的激情讨论这些重大问题是在何时了。
If the wishful paradigm that sparked discussion of issues like these was a somewhat romanticized neo-primitivism, that may be of less intellectual importance than the quality of the ideas that soon found currency within this unlikely public of dissenting and dropped-out middle class youth. For these included the humanly-scaled economics (sometimes quaintly called the "Buddhist economics") of E. F Schumacher, the communitarian philosophy of Paul Goodman and Murray Bookchin, the feminist insurgency of the women's movement, the convivial social theories of Ivan Illych, the ecological poetics of Gary Snyder, the manifold insights of the humanistic and human potential psychologies. Like so many tributaries, these currents of thought at last flowed into the environmental movement of the early seventies, which survives as the most durable offshoot of countercultural protest.

如果说,激发了上述讨论的理想主义意识形态是一种或多或少浪漫化了的新复古主义的话,那么,那些出身于中产阶级家庭却出人意料地退了学的叛逆的年轻人所持的理念,或许便有了更高的思想价值。因为这其中包括了E. F Schumacher倡导的“全人类的经济模式”(有时被奇怪地称为“佛教经济学”),Paul Goodman和Murray Bookchin的社群哲学,女性主义的兴起,Ivan Illych的the convival social theories,Gary Snyder的生态主义诗歌,还有各种各样强调人性和人类潜能的心理学理论。这些思想的激流,同那许多部族居民一样,最后汇流进70年代早期的环保运动中,最后也成为反文化抗议运动中最持久的一股支流存活了下来。
Permeating all these issues was a peculiarly west coast American reading of Zen-Taoist nature mysticism, a reborn sense of allegiance to the Earth and its rhythms which centered especially in the postwar Bay Area. The positive side of youthful disaffiliation during the sixties was the discovery of a new postindustrial standard of wealth and well-being that borrowed heavily upon oriental philosophy. I have met academic specialists who insist that Alan Watts, who did so much to popularize Zen, did not grasp the authentic meaning of satori. So it would be hazardous to say how many members of the untutored counter culture achieved a studied knowledge of this elusive tradition. But many had at least acquired from these exotic sources an awareness of values that commanded no respect in the mainstream of our frenzied industrial economy: a trust in the organism and the spontaneous patterns of nature, a sense of right livelihood, a taste for pleasures of the senses and splendors of the mind that money cannot buy nor machines produce. Learnedness may not always have been there, but longing was. And sometimes timely intuition supplies what scholarship cannot provide. If the raggle-taggle youth of the sixties had any guiding star before them, I think it was the hobo Taoist saints and shabby Zen masters, civilization's original anarchist philosophers, wise fools who taught the art of living lightly on the Earth. Young and raw as the counter culture may have been, there were those in its ranks who recognized the relevance of that tradition to the needs of a society sunk over its eyes in an obsessive struggle to conquer nature, to obliterate all traditional wisdom in the name of "progress," to transform the entire planet into an industrial artifact. They perceived the nuclear death-wish that lies at the core of that Promethean obsession and, accordingly, they proposed a more becoming human alternative.

贯穿于这些话题的,是美国西海岸的一股奇特的禅宗-道教自然神秘主义的阅读潮流,以及一种意欲同自然及其韵律归一的思想,这种思想尤其以二战后的旧金山湾区为中心,卷土重来。六十年代的青年反叛运动的正面意义,在于他们发现了后工业时代的财富和幸福的新标准,而这些理念,很大程度上借鉴自东方哲学。我曾经见过一些学术专家,坚称尽管Alan Watts为推广禅宗贡献良多,却并没有真正理解禅悟的本意。所以,如果要去统计究竟有多少反文化运动的成员真正理解了禅宗这种难以捉摸的传统,最终的数字恐怕会是一场灾难。但至少,很多人自这些异域文化中,习得了对一些被我们疯狂的主流工业经济模式所漠视的价值的关注,诸如:信赖有机生态和自然中自发的秩序,对生命力的感知,对感官的愉悦以及金钱买不到机器也生产不出的精神享受的品味。或许他们并非精深博学之士,但他们一直在努力追寻。有时正是这种恰逢其时的本能提供了学识无法提供的东西。如果说这些身份混杂的60年代年轻人眼前有什么指路明灯的话,我想那该是浪迹江湖的道家圣人,和衣衫褴褛的禅宗大师,他们是人类文明最原初的无政府主义哲学家,是教会我们应当如何在这个地球上轻巧地生活的睿智的愚人。我们的社会已如此沉迷于征服自然,以“发展”之名罔顾一切传统智慧,试图把整个地球变成一坨工业产品;尽管他们或许同反文化运动一样年轻粗砾,但其中仍有人意识到了,那来自东方的传统,与我们社会所需要的价值观之间的关联。他们意识到了潜藏在普罗米修斯式的沉迷执著之中的核战争自杀情节,并且,相应地,提出了一个更有吸引力的关于人类社会的构想。
One of the earliest and strongest statements of the ideal can be found in Gary Snyder's terse manifesto "Buddhist Anarchism." It appears in The Journal for the Protection of All Beings, another landmark publication of the era, this one issued by Lawrence Ferlinghetti's City Lights Books in 1961.

这种理想的最早也是最坚定的宣言之一,是Gary Snyder简明的“佛教无政府主义”宣言。它发表于The Journal for the Protection of All Beings,由Lawrence Ferlinghetti的城市之光书店于1961年发行,是那个时期另一份具有里程碑意义的出版物。
Modern America has become economically dependent on a fantastic system of stimulation of greed which cannot be fulfilled, sexual desire which cannot be satiated, and hatred which has no outlet except against oneself or the persons one is supposed to love. The conditions of the cold war have turned all modem societies, Soviet included, into hopeless brainstainers, creating populations of "preta" -- hungry ghosts -- with giant appetites and throats no bigger than needles. The soil, and forests, and all animal life are being wrecked to feed these cancerous mechanisms.

现代美国在经济上所依赖的梦幻般的体系,专事于刺激不可能被满足的贪欲和性欲,并且鼓动人们仇恨自身和那些他本应去爱的人。冷战已经将所有的现代社会,包括苏联在内,变为无药可救的思想的桎梏,大量地制造着“preta”──贪欲惊人,而喉管却又窄如细针般的恶鬼。土地、森林,和所有动物的生命都被摧毁,用来喂食这些如癌肿般的机体。
The disaffiliation and acceptance of poverty by practicing Buddhists becomes a positive force. The traditional harmlessness and refusal to take life in any form has nation-shaking implications. The practice of meditation, for which one needs "only the ground beneath one's feet" wipes out mountains of junk being pumped into the mind by, "communications" and supermarket universities. The belief in a serene and generous fulfillment of natural desires . . . destroys arbitrary frustration-creating customs and points the way to a kind of community that would amaze moralists and eliminate armies of men who are fighters because they cannot be lovers.

于是,修佛时的反叛以及主动地清贫度日便成为一股正面的力量。拒绝杀生、拒绝伤害的修行,在全美范围内产生了影响。而倡导“脚下只需一片空地”的冥想打坐,扫除了“商业讯息”和如同大学一般给人洗脑的超市灌进人们脑中的堆积如山的垃圾。相信人能够平和、坦荡地满足自然的欲求,也打破了无来由的、给人带来困扰的陈规陋习,并指向了一全新的社群,这种社群足以令道德家们惊异,也将那些只因不懂如何关爱而以攻奸为生的人消灭。

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